Effort to draw Russia into the Western community, even into NATO, is effectively over.
So much for Vladimir Putin's spurious claim that he's not invading Ukraine. After months of fomenting a separatist rebellion, arming the rebels, injecting Russian special forces into their ranks and adding Russian army support, the Russian president finally cut to the chase.
He dispatched an armored column to capture territory in southern Ukraine and rescue the beleaguered rebels from defeat.
This should surprise no one. It is the same script that Putin used, with minor variations, to take over Crimea last spring and to split off two regions of Georgia, a former Soviet state, in 2008. No doubt his goal now is to control parts of southern and eastern Ukraine, either by occupation or negotiation.
OPPOSING VIEW: Russia requires a secure buffer
In a news conference Thursday, President Obama again rejected any military response. Armed conflict between NATO and Russian forces in an outside country is not a realistic option.
But neither is the Ukraine crisis a distant event that can be ignored. The "Putin doctrine," a policy of conquest on the pretext of protecting Russian speakers in nearby nations, marks the end of policies that have guided the West since the Cold War ended.
The once-promising attempt to draw Russia into the Western community, and even into NATO, is effectively over — cast aside by Putin in favor of imperial ambitions that play to Russians' yearning for past glory and his own bare-chested bravado.
Decisions in coming months will determine what comes next: renewed confrontation or something more nuanced that retains Russia's collaboration on critical issues such as negotiations to end Iran's nuclear weapons program.
Obama promised Thursday that the current Western response — steadily ratcheting up sanctions — will ultimately leave Russia weaker.
Perhaps. But if Putin continues to act with impunity, the West must be prepared to do more.
Sending arms to the Ukraine government is an increasingly likely option, but one with uncertain results. Beefing up NATO and increasing its operations in eastern Europe would be a more useful tactic, even though it is costly one.
The good news is that Putin miscalculated.
Far from splintering Europe apart or driving it away from the U.S., Putin has pushed the alliance closer together.
In Germany, which is dependent on Russia for gas and trade, even companies damaged by sanctions have accepted them. So, to varying degrees, have other nations. Eastern Europe, with vivid memories of Russian rule, is urging a greater NATO presence. On Wednesday, Finland and Sweden, neither a NATO member, tightened ties with the alliance.
A NATO summit next week could produce further actions.
Ideally, the crisis would end with negotiations securing Ukraine's role as a unified, neutral buffer state. Yet the harder Putin pushes, the more distant that outcome seems.
For now, the best option is to gradually ratchet up the Western response and raise the price for Russia. But the price will likely need to rise considerably — at no small cost to the West — before Putin relents.
USA TODAY's editorial opinions are decided by its Editorial Board, separate from the news staff. Most editorials are coupled with an opposing view — a unique USA TODAY feature.
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